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STATEMENTS OF KOKURO MEMBERS (1)
- At Court on "27/May Suppression" at KOKURO Provisional Conference
- Fighting Against "Violent Actions Punishment Act" Oppression on Trade Union
STATEMENT BY Hiromi MATSUZAKI
REFERENCE: Chronology of JNR workers' fight
====================================================
STATEMENT BY Hiromi MATSUZAKI
----------------------------------------------------
Mr. Hiromi Matsuzaki is a member of KOKURO (Japan National Railway trade union)'s
dispute body in Kokura area, Kyushu region. He is also a defendant leader of
this case.
====================================================
1. We are not guilty. I impeach the injustice oppression by the
authority.
2. The 4 Parties' Agreement is an intervention to our union activity
3. The leafleting activity we did on the 27/May was rightful union
activity
4. The fight against 4 Parties' Agreement & deterioration of Kokuro
Head Office
5. 16 years' fight of my family and me who got sacked by the government
and JR
6. They have to set all of us free immediately.
7. Closing: We the defendants WILL win the not guilty.
====================================================
Let me state my opinion on this violation against "Violence and Other Actions
Punishment Act" case.
----------------------------------------------------
1. We are not guilty. I impeach the injustice oppression by the authority.
----------------------------------------------------
At the very beginning of my statement, there is one thing I want to appeal to
your honour. I am not guilty. The other 7 defendants are not guilty either.
In the morning of the 27th May 2002, we, the Kokuro members, went to the Hotel
at Kanda where the people of Kokuro Head Office faction stayed. We leafleted
and tried to convince them in front of the hotel at that day. But we did nothing
at all the actions that violated "Violence and Other Actions Punishment Act".
There was no way the fact that the prosecutors described. The leafleting and
convincing activities we did were completely rightful union activities.
First, I want to state on my stand point as a member of Kokuro railway trade
union.
I was sacked 16 years ago just because I was a member of Kokuro, in the process
of Japan National Railway's Division & Privatization which was done by the Japan
government to crush Kokuro union.
It was 1968 when I got a railway job and started to work at JNR. Since then,
nearly 30 years, I managed to keep working while being ordered to shift again
and again, and while my work places were "rationalized" and were demolished.
I joined Kokuro when I got a job because I trusted it and regarded it as the
most militant trade union to fight for workers rights. Since then, I consistently
acted as a Kokuro union member. At the time of JNR Division & Privatization,
I thought that Kokuro's "Against Division, Against Privatization" policy was
right, and I followed the union's fighting policies.
I cannot accept their way to sack us just because we are members of Kokuro which
was against Division & Privatization (D&P). Employed or unemployed, all depends
on which trade union are you belonged to. This is a naked Unfair Labour Practice,
and so, everyone could understand it. Regional Labour Committees, which are
administration bodies, admitted all the cases Kokuro sued as unjust Labour Activities,
and ordered the new Japan Railway companies to reemploy them.
Kokuro fought back with all its force against these Unfair Labour Practices
by state. We, the dismissed, soon formed 36 dispute bodies in total at Kyushu
and Hokkaido regions. We started collecting through products sales from 1990
with the slogan of "Withdraw the unjust dismissal! Regain the right place and
right job!" Ken HABIRO, another defendant, and I belonged to the same Kokura
area dispute body in Kita-Kyushu and progressed together.
During 16 years, since the sack in 1987, I have adhered to one sole idea which
is: I haven't done anything wrong, and I will make them admit it was Unfair
Labour Practice and regaining my original job.
I used to believe that Kokuro Head Office, who directed the Anti-D&P Struggle,
would keep fighting "Withdraw Dismissal" fight as a vanguard of workers. And
what has happened!? The Head Office ended up surrendering completely. I mean,
they got submissive to the government and accept "Four Parties Agreement", and
forced to make a union decision to accept the line: "Japan Railway (privatized
JNR) has no legal responsibility" at its conference on January 2001.
This Kokuro's submission to the Four Parties' Agreement had much more shocking
impact, for me, than even the dismissals 14 years ago. Kokuro Head Office, who
are our companies and leaders, denied our 14-years survival and struggle. They
declared that: JR companies have no legal liability. Your action to accuse and
blame the Unfair Labour Practices by JR companies is wrong. You are expelled
from the union.
If JR companies have no responsibility to the dismissal, whoever on the earth
did sack us? How can we accept such an illogical manoeuvre? How can I explain
to my family who survived the same difficulty together?
We, the fighting body who cannot accept the Head Office's policy, stand up to
accuse JR and the government. We started "Railway Construction Public Corporation
Suit", and various District Labour Relations Commission Suits. I pleaded at
Fukuoka Prefecture District Labour Relations Commission, and applied to the
2nd defendant of the RCPC Suit.
I could not be silent, when I heard that Kokuro Head Office tried to hold the
provisional conference on 27/May and to decide the expel discipline on the fighting
body and its supporter,
On the morning of the conference, I went to the convincing and leafleting activity
to the Head Office members with all my 15 years fight.
I tried to hand them a leaflet which says "Smash the ruling three parties' agreement!
Refuse the way to slavery!" made by Kokuro Supporters National Council, and
asked them to withdraw the conference bill. But they did not listen to us at
all, pushed us away as a troop, and got on a bus.
I felt chagrin and could not believe my eyes. I shouted asked at them: "Stop
expelling the fighting body! Do you submit yourself to the government and hold
the conference!? Where is your pride as Kokuro!?"
The prosecutors proclaimed that we assaulted the members of Head Office faction
in their indictment, but there was no such a fact. In reality, they were 5 times
or 6 times more than us. It was them who turned on us. I thoroughly impeach
the state power = police authority who twisted the fact, intervened our rightful
union activities and oppressed us unlawfully.
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----------------------------------------------------
2. The 4 Parties' Agreement is an intervention to our union activity
----------------------------------------------------
Yasuhiro Nakasone, the then prime minister who forced the D&P, later said on
"AERA" magazine in 1996: "I wanted to scrap the Sohyo (National Trade Union
Centre). And in order to scrap it, I did the D&P of JNR. I thought Kokuro's
fall would trigger the Sohyo's fall as well." This Nakasone's remark tells their
political intention for D&P quite frankly. We were sacked, in the middle of
the government's attack to disband Sohyo and Kokuro.
In order to execute this political aim, JNR authority established "Human Resource
Utilization Centre" on July/1986, and they excluded Kokuro union members from
their original jobs, and sent us into the HRU Centre. They intensified their
threat to the Kokuro members to secede from the union.
I cannot forget the day of the 16th of February in 1987. Our 7630 companies
who worked at JNR were shifted into the "Settlement Corporation". That was the
first dismissal. The government had supplementary resolution in its Diet session
and said "We will not turn them adrift", but they did.
On the 31 March 1990, 1047 JNR workers in all regions including Ken and I were
refused employment even by the Settlement Corporation. This was the 2nd dismissal.
Kokuro said: This refusal has been oriented from the union discrimination because
Kokuro opposed the JNR D&P, and thus, this is the Unfair Labour Practice by
the state. Kokuro asked the salvation at each District Labour Relations Commission
to regain the job at original area. The District Labour Relations Commissions
gave orders and said: "JR has legislative responsibility. JR has to employ the
dismissed workers." But the government, the Transport Ministry, did not direct
the JR companies to fulfil this order, and even now, the 1047 people have been
dismissed.
Come to think of this, the meaning of the Tokyo District Court's reactionary
judgement on 28 May 1998, was really grave. JR has taken over all the entity
from JNR. It is obvious that JNR and JR are identical in substance. Tokyo District
Court, however, gave unjust and reactionary judgement, rigidly applied the "JNR
Reformation Act" and cancelled the Central Labour Relations Commission's order
which said: "JR has legislative responsibility and has to employ the dismissed
workers."
This reactionary judgement on 28/May was quite a shock, especially to Kokuro
Head Office and members who expected victory judgement. Their idea and heart
were almost crushed. The government and the ruling Liberal Democratic Party
(LDP) attacked heavily this weakness of Kokuro Head Office and asked their submission.
The following morning of the judgement, Fujii, the then Transportation Minister,
presented "4 items" to Kokuro and ask to have an organizational decision to
affirm JNR Reform. And the 3/June, Yamazaki, then LDP's Political Coordination
section chairman, presented "3 conditions" to Kokuro in exchange with asking
JR companies to accept compromise, which are: (1) No appeal to judgement, (2)
Try to gain other unions' understanding, (3) Have an organizational decision
to accept JNR reform. They threaten Kokuro to change its line.
In response to this, Kokuro Head Office held the Provisional Conference on 18/March
1999. They asked police to dispatch its riot police to "defend" the conference,
actually suppressed the opposition, and had organizational decision to approve
"JNR Reform Act".
But the Transport Ministry did not get satisfied with the approval to just "JNR
Reform Act". They published a document (which is called TM memo) on "the conversation
among Kokuro and JR companies" on 10/June 1999 which says: "This is humanitarian
solution. If Kokuro accepts several conditions like (1) JR has no responsibility,
(2) The unemployment problem is the problem of new workers, not dismissed ones,
(3) Kokuro withdraws the suits they have, Transport Ministry asks JR companies
to sit at negotiation table." This was an open intervention in the union politics,
attacking the back broken Head Office members.
One of the important fact and background of our criminal court is the Four Parties
Agreement (LDP, Komei religious Party, Conservative Party, and Social Democratic
Party) on "the solution for JR unemployment problem" on 30/May 2000. This Agreement
came from the TM memo.
The "Agreement" asked Kokuro at "its Provisional Conference" to decide "No legislative
responsibility of JR companies" and even to withdraw the suits. If Kokuro accepts
the agreement, it says, LDP asks JR companies the solution and settlement money,
but it does not assure the result. It asked Kokuro its total surrender.
It was LDP who forced JNR's Division & Privatization and sacked the workers.
And now this same Party has set the 4 Parties' Agreement, the hideous attack
against Kokuro, has won the SDP over to their side, has disguised it as if "humanitarian
solution" and as if they were a disinterested party to this case, has openly
intruded themselves on Kokuro's trade union politics (again), and has urged
Kokuro to "interpret the state' Unfair Labour Practice as nothing", and "give
up the fight".
The essence of the Four Parties Agreement is that JR companies and the Transport
ministry have unlawfully neglected the orders of Labour Committee in favour
of the unions, and have threatened Kokuro to "stop blaming the Unfair Labour
Practice". This is new Unfair Labour Practice itself and they demand Kokuro
to convert and to have official conference in order to accept the dismissals.
Such an Agreement cannot be, ever, accepted by the 1047, those who were sacked.
But Kokuro Head Office accepted this Agreement WITHOUT ANY asking us, the people
concerned the fighting body and the family.
It has been 30 years since I started to work at JNR and joined Kokuro, and I
have done the union activities from my youth member days, but I have never ever
heard something like "humanitarian solution" of labour disputes. What they call
"the solution" actually means: You should be sacked as you were against the
state's policy, but if you apologize, we may forgive you and think about reemployment"!
We, the fighting body, are "the living witnesses" who have experienced Nakasone's
"General Closing of Post-War Politics" Attack, the centre of which is: (1) Disband
of Kokuro, (2) Dissolution of Sohyo, the then national centre of trade unions,
and (3) Creation of one right-wing Rengo national union centre. They want to
make us, the witnesses, to say: There was no Unfair Labour Practice. Unforgivable!
Any attacks, however, cannot erase the fact that we were sacked by the state'
politics which name is JNR Division & Privatization.
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----------------------------------------------------
3. The leafleting activity we did on the 27/May was rightful union activity
----------------------------------------------------
The Kokuro's provisional national conference on the 27th of May 2002 was tremendously
important to its members, especially, fighting body members.
Thu ruling three parties publicized what's called "the ruling 3 parties declaration"
on 26 April 2002 which demands Kokuro Head Office to hold provisional conference
up until the end of May in order to expel the members of fighting body who were
unlawfully sacked at the time of the D&V, and to withdraw the lawsuit at the
supreme court.
The Kokuro Head Office accepted the "Declaration" and decided at the beginning
of May to hold the provisional conference. They gave a notification of the conference
just 11 days beforehand, showed no concrete bill, and organized no debates at
workplaces. I was actually astonished to see poor and thin conference bill which
is just one sheet of folded B4 size paper. They had none other than acceptance
of the Ruling Three Parties' Declaration.
They requested again the riot police to "protect" the conference. I also heard
that they wanted to restrict the number for hearing. These reactionaries were
not acceptable for me, a member of fighting body, and for Kokuro members who
has kept fighting against union discriminations with fighting body as well,
and also supporters and companies of joint struggle organization who have fought
this struggle as their own.
Kokuro's colleagues of mine at Tokyo, Chiba, Niigata, Akita, Osaka, Tottori
and I made a plea at the District Labour Relations Commission (DLRC), Fukuoka
prefecture and claimed that: Four Parties Agreement is State' Unfair Labour
Practice. Fukuoka DLRC adopted Mr. Akira Amari, the chairperson of the Four
Parties Talk as a witness on 22 April. The Fukuoka DLRC has also decided to
interrogate him on 9 September. Chiba DLRC adopted him as witness on February.
Mr. Amari was angry at this, showed his displeasure and asked Kokuro Head Office:
"What do you think that your members made pleas at DLRCs and I have been summoned
to come as witness?"
We have heard already that Head Office was about to discipline and punish the
plaintiffs of Tekken Kodan lawsuit (lawsuit against Railway Construction Public
Corporation), and we could feel that the plaintiffs of Labour Committee will
be disciplined as well. I was preparing, at the time, to be a plaintiff of Tekken
Kodan lawsuit, and I felt this pressure really severely.
I needed to come to Tokyo and the conference on 27 May, and to see Kokuro union's
executives directly and convince them. Thus, I came to Tokyo Green Hotel Ochanomizu
where Kokuro Head Office stayed, in the morning of the conference. The fighting
body has already done this kind of leafleting and convincing activities to conference
accommodation before. It was not the first but the 2nd time for me.
Some companies of Kokuro went to Ikebukuro's hotel, another conference accommodation,
and Nagata primary school where conference participants gathered at the same
date, and did leafing and convincing activity just like we did.
After the conference on 27 January 2001, riot police came and surrounded conference
place. Executives, representatives and security grads stayed at accommodation
one day beforehand and went straight to the conference place with chartered
bus. The only option for us to do leaflet and convince was to go to the accommodation.
It was different before, of course. We used to talked, asked and leafleted participants
just around the conference place. But since the riot police started to come,
it became impossible to do what we used to do.
The short time range that the participants walked out of their accommodation
to get into the bus was our only chance to get in touch with them and to tell
them directly how much we were against the Four Parties Agreement.
We appealed and said: "No Expel to the Fighting Body Members!", "Stop the Introduction
of Riot Police". We also tried to hand our leaflets to the Head Office faction
members, but almost of them did not take the leaflet. They shoved us and got
into the bus. Their action seemed to be so organized and I doubted that they
must have discussed and decided: "Not to receive the leaflets, to ignore the
debate and chat, to keep walking not stopping, and to rush into the bus". After
getting on the bus, they even meddled some of our members who sanded near the
door of the bus. They pushed the shoulders and pulled the clothes of our companies.
We continued shouting and try to convince them: "Don't behave at LDP's feet!
Stop this conference!", "Why have you asked the riot police to come!? This should
be a union of workers, not of police!", "Stop talking to police and turn your
face to us! Talk to us!" Again, the Head Office faction got in touch with police
officers from the Special Branch of the metropolitan police department, and
they departed the bus protected by police force.
We, soon, recognized that they had a camcorder to film in front of the hotel
in the morning. We are now sure that they had discussed about this beforehand.
Unlike the prosecutor's claim, there was no "violence against Head Office faction"
in our activities at the day.
After the leafleting and convincing activity at the morning, we went to the
front of Socio-Culture Hall, the conference place, and joined the protest organized
by the fighting body and Kokuro members who are against Four Parties' Agreement.
At noon, we visited LDP Head Office building and Mr. Amari's office at the House
of Representatives. We demanded that he reports to the District Labour Relations
Commission as a witness. We went back to Socio-Culture Hall, and joined the
rally to its end at night.
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----------------------------------------------------
4. The fight against 4 Parties' Agreement & deterioration of Kokuro Head
Office
----------------------------------------------------
When Kokuro Head Office tried to accept Four Parties Agreement, members of fighting
body and their families started harsh and intense criticism and demanded to
stop that position to the Agreement.
You can tell the size of the protest with seeing more than 230 letters to Head
Office from regional branches, affiliates, locals, family members' body, and
joint struggle supporters. You can also see the intensity of Kokuro members'
anger in the passed several national conferences.
The provisional conference on 1 July 2000 was started 5 hours later than it
was set. And at the finally starting conference, Head Office ignored the voices
of representatives, observers, fighting body and their families. A woman in
family members' body appealed: "How come you could have decided on Four Parties'
Agreement without talking to us? You have no right to decide and change our
lives!" Despite of these appeals, Kokuro Head Office tried to force the vote.
It triggered harsh criticism and opponents occupied the platform to prevent
the vote. The conference was adjourned.
After this conference, Takahashi, the then chairman came to Kyushu. He apologised
for the chaotic status at the 1/July conference, and gave us a promise not to
hold next conference until having a proper solution. But this promise was broken
soon, and continuing conference was held on 26 August.
At every national conference later than that, they had to face the fiery rage
of opponents, their intention failed to be achieved.
The Head Office faction spread demagoguery which said: "If we accept the Agreement,
we could receive hundreds thousand pounds worth solution money", "The Four Parties'
Agreement is the only solution". And Head Office asked riot police each time,
restricted the number of observer participations, expel media, and tried to
shut out opposition by its force. Its typical case was the continual conference
(the 67th) on January 2001. There were 1000 riot police surrounded the Socio-Cultural
Hall, the conference place, and they made barricade in front of it. Observers
and media were restricted. Every passage in the Hall was occupied by the defence
troops of Head Office faction. We called it as "the conference under the martial
law", but it was not an exaggeration at all. Kokuro Head Office used police
force to suppress the opposition and the police authority started to intervene
union politics almost openly.
Kokuro had 10 national conferences in the 3 years and 8 months process from
provisional conference on 18/March 1999 to regular conference on November 2002.
They had no police at just 3 conferences out of 10. After the continual conference
on January 2001, they have had riot police force 5 times in a row. This accomplished
fact of introducing riot police means that Kokuro Head Office, using some Head
Office faction in its Tokyo region where they have had those conferences as
vanguard, deteriorated Kokuro movement to what we criticize "police trade union
movement".
At the time of provisional conference on 27/May 2002, Kokuro Head Office approved
to set inquiry commission in order to expel the fighting body members. Kokuro
members, however, have fought basically and determined.
One of the biggest blow to Head Office was that our local suit was accepted
for Railway Construction Public Corporation lawsuit, and we got the 1st public
trial on 26/September. We had more than 300 observers at the court; this lawsuit
got a big attention. On April 2002, "Joint Struggle Conference for the Withdrawal
of unlawful dismissals of 1047 & for the victory of JNR Struggle" movement was
set up. It was not just Kokuro, but Zendoro (railway trade union under the influence
of Communist Party) and Doro-Chiba, together with supporters' camp that joined
this movement.
It was quite obvious that there would be a harsh and strong criticism against
Kokuro Head Office. So, in order to suffocate those voices, a good 4 months
after the provisional conference and at the very date of accepting candidacy
for union representatives, police did dare arrest us. This case is nothing but
frame-up. They used "video tape" presented by Tokyo Region executives, and "damage
report" made up by some of Head Office faction members, as excuses for this
oppression.
In reality, some members of the Police' Special Branch frequently talked that:
"We could not do this if we had no Kokuro's cooperation", while they investigated
us. The executives of trade union sold its members to the police. I have never
heard of this kind of story before.
The arrest and charge to us was done by both corrupt Kokuro executives and state's
authority.
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----------------------------------------------------
5. 16 years' fight of my family and me who got sacked by the government and
JR
----------------------------------------------------
What has encouraged me to keep fighting through 16-years of living hell? It
is the idea: Not to betray our fellow workers. Protect our union. Live as workers.
Have humanitarian lives. Not to allow the state' Unfair Labour Practice on my
colleagues, my family and I. Regain our job and workplace at any cost.
I want to say to Kokuro Head Office executives who accepted Four Parties' Agreement
that: How many colleagues of ours on earth were victimized in the process of
JNR Division & Privatization? How many of fighting body members had to die in
the middle of fights? Have they forgotten all of these? They are obeying LDP
who is the ringleader who have attacked us. They must know that Amari said "Solution
is zero plus just some". Even all these, they accepted the authorities demand:
"Expel fighting body, withdraw the lawsuit" I will not forgive such a Head office,
never! It was not just 1047 workers who were victimized by JNR Division & Privatization.
Their family, Kokuro members who were against D&P and its members have also
been ill-treated.
It is the same to my family. My family had to burden much. I cannot explain
it in short time. After the sack, we could not afford even monthly rent, electricity
and gas bills. I have been asked by my family members that: "They say, if you
withdraw from Kokuro, you will be employed by the new (JR) company. What will
you do?" At the time of company's sports day, the children of workers who have
been employed can join, but the children of fighting body members cannot. They
have asked me: "Why you were not hired by JR?" I could say nothing but just:
"I did nothing wrong. It was the government who did wrong."
I remained in Kokuro because I wanted to protect Kokuro's flag and I do not
want betray our colleagues. So I cannot stop my fighting. I have to revive Kokuro's
traditional fighting spirit, and to clarify the responsibility of the government
and JR Companies.
My family did support livelihood with hourly paid part-time jobs. Colleagues
of mine and I also visit around Tokyo and Osaka to ask collection through product
selling activity. But this collection activity is useful just when people accept
us and buy some products. We have had not spare time. I have been cheered up
by the warmest ever support all over the nation. I also learned that many workers
are at the similar status of ours.
This way, my 16-years were the days to accuse state's responsibility for sacking,
and to have firm determination to withdraw dismissals.
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----------------------------------------------------
6. They have to set all of us free immediately.
----------------------------------------------------
I have no intention to flee or hide. It is reverse. I will reveal, at this court,
the injustice of the arrest and charge to us. I am going to prove that we are
not guilty, to disclose the fact that the government, LDP, and JR companies
have intervened our trade union politics, and to judge the outrage of Kokuro
Head Office and some executives of its Tokyo Region organization who sold us
out to police.
My family have lost me, the breadwinner, and have a great difficulty to survive.
Our income is rice farming and union's collection activity through selling the
products. We have rented the farmland with a couple of years' contract, and
we cannot cancel just this year even though I cannot do the farm work now in
custody. And the rice farming does not go like stop and go, turn off and on.
It means our effort so far would end up being nothing.
Since they sacked me, my family had to survive the tough period. I cannot let
them suffer double agony: my arrest and hard life, on top of that.
What prosecutors claim "violence" by the 8 of us was 100% frame-up. The long
time detention, which has reached 4 months (*) already, has had no ground at
all. I demand the immediate release of all 8 of us.
(*) Four-month detention was at the time of this statement on February 2003.
It is already 10 months now on August 2003.
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----------------------------------------------------
7. Closing: We the defendants WILL win the not guilty.
----------------------------------------------------
The oppression this time is illegal and violating the 28th article of the Constitution
and the 1st article of the Trade Union Act both of which ensure the workers'
right.
What we the 8 defendants did on 27/May 2002 was rightful and reasonable union
activity as Kokuro unionists in order to protect our union's unity.
It has been unprecedented that the police applied "Violence and Other Actions
Punishment Act" on the conflict in the trade union, and the conference policy
related of it. The injustice of this suppression cannot be more obvious.
If, ever, this type of political oppression was allowed to be used, workers
right ensured by the present Constitution would be erased away. When the unity
of workers are intervened and destroyed by the police, and when trade unions
behave just like the government wants them to do, it means we live in the before-war
era.
The Japan's Koizumi administration dispatched the Aegis type warship to the
Indian Ocean at the end of last year. This was a dangerous move to participate
Iraq war to follow the US Bush administration's military attack on Iraq. Now,
the government is enacting the National Emergency bill (*) in the Diet. I, as
one of the workers, have a strong sense of crisis that this time's oppression
has a big link with those war matters.
Again I repeat: We, the defendants, all of us are not guilty. I accuse this
criminal oppression done by state power. I will fight till the day of our victory.
3 March 2003, at the first court on the case
(*) The National Emergency Act was enacted on June 2003 with the "FOR" votes
of 90% of all the MPs in the Diet.
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--------------------------------------------------------------------
REFERENCE: Chronology of JNR workers' fight
--------------------------------------------------------------------
00/Jul 1986 Human Resource Utilization Centre
16/Feb 1987 Settlement Corporation
01/Apr 1987 * Division and Privatization
30/Dec 1996 Nakasone's remark
28/May 1998 Tokyo District Court's reactionary judgement
03/Jun 1998 Yamazaki's "3 conditions"
18/Mar 1999 Provisional Conference
10/Jun 1999 Transport Ministry Memo
30/May 2000 * Four Parties' Agreement
01/Jul 2000 Provisional Conference (Adjournment)
26/Aug 2000 Continual Conference
00/Jan 2001 (67th) Continual Conference
26/Apr 2002 Ruling 3 Parties' Declaration
27/May 2002 * Provisional Conference
07/Oct 2002 * Arrest of 8 at the date of candidature
29/Oct 2002 * Arrest of 2 (8 of total 10 were charged)
00/Nov 2002 Regular Conference
06/Dec 2002 Ruling 3 Parties left the Four Parties Agreement
As of August 2003, 8 defendants were still kept in prison, but have not given
up and have fought back.
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